In a stark partisan divide, Maryland’s congressional delegation overwhelmingly supported a War Powers Resolution aimed at curbing President Donald Trump’s military actions in Iran. The House vote, which failed narrowly on March 4-5, 2026, by a tally of approximately 212-219, sought to require congressional approval for ongoing hostilities. Every Democratic representative from Maryland backed the measure, emphasizing constitutional checks on executive power. But Rep. Andy Harris (R-MD-01), the delegation’s sole Republican, stood alone in voting no—aligning himself firmly with the Trump administration.
The resolution emerged amid escalating U.S. strikes on Iranian targets, following President Trump’s reelection and inauguration in January 2025. Critics, including Maryland’s senior leaders, decried the operations as unconstitutional overreaches, bypassing Congress’s sole authority to declare war. The Senate companion bill similarly faltered 47-53 on March 4, with both of Maryland’s Democratic senators—Chris Van Hollen and Angela Alsobrooks—voting yes.
Van Hollen, Maryland’s senior senator, was vocal in his outrage. “I’m very angry,” he stated publicly, framing the vote as a defense of democratic oversight against unilateral executive aggression. Alsobrooks echoed this in a press release, affirming that “Congress holds the power to declare war” and urging an immediate halt to unauthorized combat without legislative buy-in.
In the House, the pattern held firm along party lines. Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-MD-08), a constitutional scholar and ranking member of the Judiciary Committee, championed the resolution, calling Trump’s strikes a “gross violation” of the War Powers Act. Fellow Democrats like Kweisi Mfume (D-MD-07), C.A. “Dutch” Ruppersberger (D-MD-02), Glenn Ivey (D-MD-04), Steny Hoyer (D-MD-05), Johnny Olszewski (D-MD-03), David Trone (D-MD-06), and Sarah Elfreth (D-MD-03) all cast yes votes. Their unified stance reflected Maryland’s predominantly Democratic delegation, which has long prioritized restraint in foreign entanglements.
Harris’s no vote drew immediate scrutiny. Representing the Eastern Shore’s conservative 1st District, the physician-turned-politician has consistently backed Trump’s national security agenda. His opposition mirrored the overwhelming Republican rejection of the resolution, with only a handful of GOP defectors nationwide. Harris argued that the measure would handcuff U.S. forces during a critical period, potentially emboldening Iran amid reports of retaliatory threats. “We can’t tie our troops’ hands,” he reportedly told constituents, prioritizing operational flexibility over congressional micromanagement.
This split underscores broader tensions in Trump’s second term. Democrats invoked the 1973 War Powers Resolution, originally passed over Nixon’s veto, to reassert Article I authority. Republicans countered that existing Authorizations for Use of Military Force (AUMFs) from 2001 and 2002 suffice, dismissing the effort as political theater. The House failure, like the Senate’s, hands Trump freer rein, though legal challenges loom.
For Maryland, Harris’s position amplifies local divides. The 1st District’s rural, Trump-supporting voters contrast with the urban and suburban strongholds fueling Democratic unity statewide. Advocacy groups like those tied to WYPR and Baltimore media outlets highlighted the delegation’s criticism of Iran’s strikes, with “majority” statements decrying escalation risks.
As Iran tensions simmer into March 2026, Harris’s vote cements his role as Maryland’s Trump loyalist. While colleagues pushed for de-escalation, his stance signals GOP resolve to back the president’s Iran hawkishness. Whether this foreshadows deeper U.S. involvement—or midterm backlash in 2026—remains unseen. For now, Maryland’s congressional voice on war powers is anything but unanimous.
